Crime and Punishment: Avoiding Punishment is Futile Essay -- Crime and

Avoiding punishment is futile. Whether in the form of proper trials or through guilt, every person will come face to face with the consequences of their actions. Avoiding suffering only causes it to intensify. This is mainly demonstrated through Svidrigailov and Raskolnikov in the end of Crime and punishment. both(prenominal) men had been eluding their various torments and they realize the vanity of their avoidance after receiving crushing mental blows. Raskolnikov and Svidrigailov realize that the time has come to recognize suffering and function for previous actions. Raskolnikovs inability to hide his guilt shines through in his actions. When trying to defend his innocence against Porfiry he utters childish defenses. His suffering has consumed him and he ran discover of breath, nearly choking (541) as the conversation traversed into uncomfortable matters. The connotation here of choking reveals how deeply Raskolnikovs inner pain has bore into him and the effect of it measure down his lungs. Furthermore, his refusal of this opportunity given by Porfiry to take his punishment clearly demonstrates how Raskolnikovs every action is now affected directly by his airflow. logically he should realize his game is up, yet his pride and brains suffocation are so high he cannot comprehend sensibly. He sputters verboten his sentences, pausing, and gasping. On a deeper level his brain function is also affected by the oxygen flow. This is clearly conveyed by his callous behavior and lack of ruling to his future endeavors. His desire to avoid discipline is dimming as he realizes his time to receive punishment is approaching. Preceding his nerve-rattling survive conversation with Porfiry, Raskolnikov seems to be lost and disoriented. Ter... ...s well. barely this journey does not involve physical death. It involves going to the police bureau he once feared and confessing his crime. Although he lacks breath and feels faint he is at last able to recount the details in entirety and his self-inflicted suffering ends to be followed by formal punishment, or a clearly defined air. approach to terms with past mistakes and accepting their consequences is an agonizing process. Admitting fault for former missteps can seem titanic. Prideful characters such as Svidrigailov or Raskolnikov find this burdensome. However, in the end, choosing to get on on the journey of acceptance becomes necessary if one chooses to commit wickedness, an act that man must succumb to at some point. In Crime and Punishment this journey also allows the characters suffocating mask to fall allowing them to breathe once more.

Timothy Leary Essay -- essays research papers fc

Timothy Leary &quotTurn on, tune in, drop out.&quot That give tongue to has turned into the slogan of Timothy Learys mind-expanding movement. Although a graduate of two West-Point and Berkley, and a Harvard professor, these were non his greatest life duration achievements. Throughout his publicized life, he became the spokesperson of the psychedelic age. His devotion to the belief that LSD and marijuana were gateways to enlightenment resulted in a new church, numerous prison sentences, and a following of both celebrities and the general public. When people think of Timothy Leary their immediate response is &quotTurn on, tune in, drop out,&quot his trademark line, although the meaning of it has often been misinterpreted. playboy Magazine had thought that his message was advocating, &quotgetting high and dropping out of school,&quot (Marwick 311). When asked by the magazine to explain the meaning of the phrase he responded, &quot Turn on performer to contact t he ancient energies and wisdoms that are built into your nervous system. They provide unspeakable pleasure and revelation. Tune in means to harness and communicate these new perspectives in a harmonious dance with the external world. Drop out means to detach yourself from the tribal game.&quot (Marwick 312). This was not the first time his methods were questioned. Leary was first publicly noticed, and criticized by then fellow Harvard professors, for his interest in LSD when he and friend, Robert Alpert, wrote an article for the Bulletin of Atomic Scientist. In the article they described a circumstance that in the event of war, the Russians might try to lace the American water supply with LSD. Then, when everybody in America is stoned, the Russians would detain power. They explained that in order to prevent the scenario from happening, everyone should take a dose of LSD so they can get used to the effects (Sterns 278). Although the article shocked the Harvard staff, it didnt cau se him to get fired. Leary was dismissed from Harvard in 1962, only four years after he began teaching there. Leary had experimented with psilocybin, a mind-altering chemical, on his own and the university repeatedly asked him to stop, he refused (Brash 139). Although it angered university 2. authorities, they couldnt do anything more about the subject since it was a legal substance. While conducti... ...eary was dying of cancer and believed that death should be a happy occasion rather than a sad one. His last words were &quotWhy not?&quot and after his death his long time friend, John Barlow, wrote, &quotTimothy Leary died unashamed and having, as usual, a great time. He made good on his promise to give death a better name or die trying. " (Marwick 345). Timothy Leary has influenced many people throughout his life by his contri providedion to society. Whether he advocated the use of drugs or not doesnt make a difference, although the are what stuck out in peoples mind s. The greater message that his life taught was the get out of man, and the lengths a person will go to in order to get the point across to the masses. His focus was not money, he gave that up when he lost his job at Harvard, but in his belief that he was right. He truly believed that LSD could enlighten people, and his intentions were to help. Bibliography Works Cited Brash, Sarah. Turbulent Years The 60s. Alexandra Time-Life Books Inc., 1998. Marwick, Arthur. The Sixties. New York Oxford University Press, 1998. Sterns, Jane And Michael. Encyclopedia of Pop Culture. New York HarperCollins, 1992.

Ancient greek art :: essays research papers

Art of ancient GreeceMy report is on ancient Grecian art mainly sculptures and vase art I will also be writing about a day in the life of a Greek creative person. Artists in ancient Greece varied from designing coins, mosaics, gem engravings, architecture, pottery and sculptures. Im also going to talk about what tools the sculptors utilize and the various methods used to make pottery and vases. The second part of my report will be about a day in the life of a Greek artist for example how they were treated were they considered middle class, upper class or were they looked down upon also what were their daily tasks, how did they would start their day and end it. The main reason I picked this topic is because art is a very important key to learning about a cultures history and beliefs. Greek art has influenced many other countries particularly Rome most of their art and art from the Italian renaissance were copies of original Greek works of art.SculptureSculpture is one of the mos t important move of Greek art since it is almost the only art form that has survived in some quantity. The ancient Greeks were especially known for their sculpture because their sculptures were extremely life worry and beautiful. It was important to the ancient Greeks to combine passion and reason in their sculpture. Greek sculptures were mostly of the human form since they looked at their gods as having a human form. any of the sculptures were nudes of males because society looked down upon female nudity until latter on in time when you started to see sculptures such as the Venus di Milo, which was modeled after Aphrodite (Wikpedia the dispense with encyclopedia. Wikpedia.11 Nov 2004. 12 Nov 2004 http//www.wordiq.com/definition/Greek_art ). One of the most amazing sculptures is the ogre sculpture of Zeus in Olympia it was one of the 7 wonders of the ancient world. Ancient writers state that it stood 12.40 meters high, 6.65 meters long and 9.76 meters deep the body of Zeus was made of ivory followed by a robe made of gold topped with a silver olive wreath and his throne was decorated with mythological scenes painted by Panainos and Kolotis the statue itself was created by Phidos. Michael Lahanas. 25 Dec 2002. 11 Nov 2004 (http//www.mlahanas.de/Greeks/Arts/ZeusStatue.htm). Another great sculpture is the colossus Athena Parthenos. This sculpture just like the colossus statue of Zeus was made of gold and ivory and had various mythological engravings in her shield, helmet and pedestal.

South Carolina Correction Facilities :: essays research papers

South Carolina Correction FacilitiesCorrections are a necessary tool to protect society from those who do harm to others or to others property. Depending on the shell of crime that was committed, and if the crime is considered a aver or federal official charge, also depends on where the somebody sentenced will do his time. There are four chief(prenominal) sentencing options available prison, probation, probation and confinement, and prison and community split. When a person is sentenced to do their time in prison most likely they will go to a cite or federal prison. If a person is ordered probation, it prevents them from exhalation to jail but they have stipulations on their probation. This is called intermediate sanctions, which are the various new punitory options used as adjuncts to and part of probation. Some intermediate sanctions imply restitution, fines, day fines, community service, intensive supervised probation, sept arrest, electronic monitoring, and shock incarce ration.If a person is sentenced to do time, that person could be sentenced to a county jail up to a maximum warranter prison. In South Carolina, most county jails or Detention Centers house an average population of approximately 100 county inmates depending on the sizing of the county and the jail itself. Inmates serving sentences in county jails are ordered by the Magistrate or General Sessions courts for non-violent offenses. The inmates unremarkably serve terms less than one year. The inmates prepare meals in the center kitchen for inmates at the facility and for persons awaiting trial in the county jail. The inmates can also work at county buildings doing janitorial work, doing yard maintenance in various parts of the county, or picking up litter along the roads and highways.If a person is sentenced to a state prison, depending on the crime, that person could be sent to one of S.C. plane section of Corrections twenty-nine prisons which are categorized into four distinct secur ity levels community-based pre-release/work centers (level 1A), negligible security (level 1B), medium security (level 2) and high security (level 3). The architectural design of the institution, type of housing, operational procedures, and the level of security staffing determine an institutions security level. Inmates are assigned to institutions to meet their specific security, computer programmeming, medical, educational, and work requirements. take 1-A facilities are community-based pre-release/work centers that house minimum-security non-violent inmates who are within 36 months of release. These units are work and program oriented, providing intensive specialized programs that prepare the inmates for release to the community with unenclosed perimeters.South Carolina Correction Facilities essays research papers South Carolina Correction FacilitiesCorrections are a necessary tool to protect society from those who do harm to others or to others property. Depending on the ty pe of crime that was committed, and if the crime is considered a state or federal charge, also depends on where the person sentenced will do his time. There are four main sentencing options available prison, probation, probation and confinement, and prison and community split. When a person is sentenced to do their time in prison most likely they will go to a state or federal prison. If a person is ordered probation, it prevents them from going to jail but they have stipulations on their probation. This is called intermediate sanctions, which are the various new correctional options used as adjuncts to and part of probation. Some intermediate sanctions include restitution, fines, day fines, community service, intensive supervised probation, house arrest, electronic monitoring, and shock incarceration.If a person is sentenced to do time, that person could be sentenced to a county jail up to a maximum security prison. In South Carolina, most county jails or Detention Centers house an average population of approximately 100 county inmates depending on the size of the county and the jail itself. Inmates serving sentences in county jails are ordered by the Magistrate or General Sessions courts for non-violent offenses. The inmates usually serve terms less than one year. The inmates prepare meals in the center kitchen for inmates at the facility and for persons awaiting trial in the county jail. The inmates can also work at county buildings doing janitorial work, doing yard maintenance in various parts of the county, or picking up litter along the roads and highways.If a person is sentenced to a state prison, depending on the crime, that person could be sent to one of S.C. Department of Corrections twenty-nine prisons which are categorized into four distinct security levels community-based pre-release/work centers (level 1A), minimum security (level 1B), medium security (level 2) and high security (level 3). The architectural design of the institution, type of housi ng, operational procedures, and the level of security staffing determine an institutions security level. Inmates are assigned to institutions to meet their specific security, programming, medical, educational, and work requirements.Level 1-A facilities are community-based pre-release/work centers that house minimum-security non-violent inmates who are within 36 months of release. These units are work and program oriented, providing intensive specialized programs that prepare the inmates for release to the community with unfenced perimeters.

Stereotypes Essay -- essays research papers

StereotypesPretend you are driving along on the highway. You see a person on the side of the thoroughfare having railcar problems. This is person is wearing an Armani suit and driving a Porsche. The next day, you encounter the same incident but, this time, it is a man wearing baggy jeans with holes in them, a dirty shirt and he looks very unclean. Would you be more likely to stop for the man in the Armani suit, or the the second man? I jockey that I would stop for man 1. The reason I and most of our society would do so, is because we need a horrible habit. The habit is unintentional and we do it not meaning to hurt anybody This habit is stereotyping people by the way they look or talk based on what society considers normal. In the book, To eat a Mockingbird, by Harper Lee, Scout, Atticus and Tom Robinson are victims of creation stereotyped by others. Each has to cope with being stereotyped. Scout and Atticus have the index to change their ways in order for people to respect t hem, unlike Tom Robinson, who is stereotyped as a mutant to the town of Mayberry plain because he is black. For example people are preaching to Scout that she should act like a typical girl. Atticus is stereotyped as a double-dealer to his people, the sporty race, because he stands up for a black man, Tom Robinson, who is accused of raping a young woman. Last but not least, Tom Robinson is stereotyped as being a flaw in the human race because he is black. When he is accused of committing a rape, he is not given a blank tr... Stereotypes Essay -- essays research papers StereotypesPretend you are driving along on the highway. You see a person on the side of the road having car problems. This is person is wearing an Armani suit and driving a Porsche. The next day, you encounter the same incident but, this time, it is a man wearing baggy jeans with holes in them, a dirty shirt and he looks very unclean. Would you be more likely to stop for the man in the Armani suit, or the the second man? I know that I would stop for man 1. The reason I and most of our society would do so, is because we have a horrible habit. The habit is unintentional and we do it not meaning to hurt anybody This habit is stereotyping people by the way they look or talk based on what society considers normal. In the book, To Kill a Mockingbird, by Harper Lee, Scout, Atticus and Tom Robinson are victims of being stereotyped by others. Each has to cope with being stereotyped. Scout and Atticus have the ability to change their ways in order for people to respect them, unlike Tom Robinson, who is stereotyped as a mutant to the town of Mayberry simply because he is black. For example people are preaching to Scout that she should act like a typical girl. Atticus is stereotyped as a traitor to his people, the white race, because he stands up for a black man, Tom Robinson, who is accused of raping a young woman. Last but not least, Tom Robinson is stereotyped as being a flaw in the h uman race because he is black. When he is accused of committing a rape, he is not given a fair tr...

President Bill Clinton Essay -- William Jefferson Clinton Essays

While its practically impossible to write a explore paper without referring to the scandalous side of President Bill Clinton, this research will also spotlight how excellent Bill Clinton was as a chairperson and present interesting facts closely his aliveness.On August 19, 1946, William Jefferson Blythe IV began his life in Hope, Arkansas. His mother was still mourning over the loss of her beloved husband who died only three months earlier in a tragic auto accident. Four years later, in hopes of a better life, Virginia remarried to Roger Clinton. But as a raging alcoholic, Roger became violent with Bill and his mother. At age 14, young William had plentiful of the abuse. He finally stood up to his stepfather and the cruelty ceased. After gaining the respect of his father figure, Bill decided to take the last name of Clinton.Clintons high nurture years were just as all teenagers desire. He was a popular guy with lots of friends and even then a drive for success. Bills devotion to playing saxophone led him to consider a life as a professional musician. But after the opportunity to meet president JFK at the White House Rose Garden during his senior year, Bills previous musician dreams did a 180.If it hasnt already been assumed, Clinton decided this proterozoic in life that he would dedicate himself to a life of campaign and politics. He also knew that if he wanted to succeed, he must go about it the correct way. Bill graduated with honors from Yale in 1973 and received his degree in law. The next step was getting into the field of politics in Arkansas.For those of you who have of all time tried to enter the political race, it is obvious as to what Clinton was in for. He was devastated after being defeated in 1974 for Congress Campaign for Arkansas third district. But the powers of devastation were no match for Clintons persistence. Merely three years later, Bill Clinton was elated to be elected Arkansas Attorney general in 1976. This gave him just the con fidence boost he needed. In 78, Clinton was sitting high as governor of Arkansas. At 32 years old, Clinton became the nations youngest governor. He failed to be re-elected for a second term, but buckled down to become governor once more four years later. He easily went on to win re-election three more times.In the midst of all this political excitement, Bill was falling deeply in love. H... ...ountries. It is possible for him to make up to $300,000 per speech. erst he straightened all of that out, Mr. Clinton allowed himself to focus on more enjoyable things. For example, he loves to travel, and does so often to see his daughter Chelsea at Oxford University. And naturally, he loves to golf the almost enjoyed sport of middle aged men, surely. It is also not rare to see Bill with a few of his buddies. Jack Nicholson, Kevin Spacey, and Anthony Hopkins are among his acquaintances.Along with his leisurely activities, he runs an active legal office in Harlem. Politics still play a majo r role in his life. He recently stated that I hope within five years to be in public service full time.Drawing a conclusion is not a problematical task, as most people feel similarly about President Clinton. Sure, he was probably the United States most immoral president ever, but at that places no denying he was an outstanding president. Bill took care of foreign affairs with ease, carefully examined things before making rash decisions, and was very goal oriented. He is even ranked 5th in terms of his economic management. He must have been popular considering that he was elected to a second term.

Ermo Essay

Ermo, directed by Zhou Xiaowen in 1994, takes place in the 1980s when China first began to actively accept the concept of globalization. Ermo, where the title character as the strong- go outed wife of an emasculated husband (Tang 654), explores the issues of being a matriarch as well as an individual with her own interests and desires. Compared with traditional Chinese women who were relegated to taking care of the household, Ermo is drastically different because she is the one who attends to the financial needs of her family by selling twisty noodles.Although she is a poor, peasant woman whose life revolves around the responsibilities of taking care of of her family, Ermo harbors secret ambitions which she longs to some solar day achieve. Fueled by her ambitions, Ermo works day and nighttime to fulfill her aims even as she attends to her loved ones needs. Her distinctive as responsible matriarch can also be seen when she risks her wellness by selling large quantities of her blood in order to earn quick money. In the film, every action that Ermo takes is a result of her free will she is not forced or coerced to do so.Everything that she does, she does for the love of her family. The female lead in the movie is willing to do anything to support her family, which is a marked characteristic of contemporary Chinese films. The role of Ermo is a strong departure from the traditional roles of women in Chinese society. Ermos profession is examined in two ways attic seller during the day and noodle maker during the night. In the very beginning of the film, the shot shows her as a noodle-seller on the street, peddling bunches of twisty noodles that she herself made.She yells mai mahua mian lou (twisty noodle for sale) (Ciecko 2) constantly. This video particularly emphasizes her profession and skills for selling twisty noodles. There are also several close-up shots of her foot while she is making noodle dough. Ermo kneads flour with her feet, and she does it expertly , never displace any of flour. This shot makes a statement as to the technical skills her work requires and the passion and dedication with which Ermo does her job. While generally regarded as a lowly job, it is truly a very demanding job requiring sophisticated skills.The opportunity to pursue a rewarding career among Chinese women is a fairly recent development because the women in China never had the opportunity to choose their job. Ermos desire can be read in various ways desire for a break in life, desire for a fulfilling sexual relationship, and desire for self-determination. Ermos wish for a new life with a Blindman, the richest guy in the town after an amorous night halfway between town and village, expresses her desire to desire and constitutes an inspired revision of reality (Tang, 668).This satisfies both her sexual desire and desire for better life. She also desires for having the biggest TV in her town, which at first may seem materialistic, but may actually be const rued for her need to achieve and be acknowledged for her accomplishments. Although she says that she needs to steal the TV for her son so that he does not have to go to their neighbors house to watch, it is really her own aspiration to show plurality who she really is.Based on strong Confucian society, Chinese women have been traditionally relegated to the sidelines, but as China begins to open itself to changes, so do Chinese women begin to evolve and come out into their own. As examined above, the central events in Ermo reflect a new stage in the development of contemporary Chinese society (Tang, 663). As portrayed in this modern Chinese film, women are able to attend to their family without necessarily having to sacrifice their own dreams and ambitions in the process.

Ownership Essay

I own the idea that I eve this other human. For instance, love my family and they love me. There isnt a sensation programming us to love each Other, we own the idea that this is our family and we love us. When I was a little boy, would steal from our candy jar and one twenty-four hour period I got this yucky feeling in my belly that I was doing something naughty. So went to my dad and after he explained what was doing was wrong and then it clicked that my actions were wrong so apologized. What I did was realizing that my actions were wrong and so I owned up to them. We own our actions whether we want to or not.Actions take a split-second for us to decide to act on what we cut and if so, positively or negatively. No one else telling me what to do, its just me and my thoughts. So what argon thoughts? The literal definition of thought is An idea or opinion produced by thinking or occurring suddenly in the mind. The literal people would say that the brain is the most powerful thing i n the world. But what makes the brain so special is not that it controls our body, but that it controls our thoughts. Whenever we listen to a good song the brain tells the body that it likes it so we get that little tune tuck in our head.Whenever get test back that I didnt do well on, I get that sinking feeling and I get sad. Then the next clip a test is coming up, I study and try to get a better path. My thoughts reminded me of how bad it felt to get a bad grade and to do better next time. Both scenarios are my own thoughts its just me doing what my brain tells me is right and putting my actions to it. Love, our actions, and our thoughts are all examples of things that, even if we dont want to, own. These are all intangible things that we cannot see nor can we keep.

Old-Age Pension Reform in China

-aAvailable online at www. sciencedirect. com diary of ripening Studies 22 (2008) 74 87 www. elsevier. com/ show up/jaging senior- succession allowance regenerate and sophisticatedization ways Lessons for China from Latin the States Esteban Calvo ? , John B. Williamson De deviatement of Sociology and Center for Retirement Research, Boston College, Chestnut Hill, MA 02467 USA accredited 31 July 2006 received in revised form 26 January 2007 accepted 26 February 2007Abstract season numerous western countries first experienced ethnical rationalization, undermentioned stinting modern fontization, and then go approximatelywhat the argufys of nation aging and bonus indemnity reform, both Latin the States and China, in contrast, atomic number 18 dealings with these argufys in the context of much less developed economies and stronger conventional kitchen-gardenings. In this article we analyze old-age pension reform efforts in eight Latin the Statesn countries that oblige introduced funded delimit contri preciselyion schemes with individual accounts.We atomic number 18 searching for insights about the potential success of similar reforms organism implemented in China. All of these societies ar unionised in the main more than or less the dogmas of family, reciprocality, loyalty and impoverishment. Our analysis elicits that these distinctive characteristics have heavy implications for the probable success of the reforms currently being implemented in China, specially in four most interrelated areas narrativeage, compliancy, transparency, and fiscal stability. 2007 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved. Keywords support reform China Latin America mixer surety Culture Economy Rationalization . Introduction Latin America is a pioneer with respect to the shift from old-age pension schemes base on pay-as-you-go (PAYG) define do good models to schemes based all or in part on funded individual accounts. In 1981 chili pepper became th e first nation to make the shift with the introduction of mandatory fully-funded privately managed individual retirement accounts (IRAs). Today thither are 12 Latin American countries that have shifted to schemes influenced by the Chilean model ( gill, Packard, & Yermo, 2005 Kritzer, 2005). ? Corresponding author. E-mail addresses emailprotected du (E. Calvo), emailprotected edu (J. B. Williamson). 0890-4065/$ see front matter 2007 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved. inside10. 1016/j. jaging. 2007. 02. 004 On the opposite side of the earth, China is following(a) a similar path, though the Chinese IRAs are currently publicly managed and remain largely unfunded (Jackson & Howe, 2004). Since 1995 China has introduced a number of reforms, the most strategic of which were promulgated in 1997 and 2000. By 2025, one quarter of the worlds nation aged 60 and over get out be nutriment in China ( linked Nations, 2005).For this reason out the success or failure of the reform of Chinas ol d-age pension dust leave alone affect a major proportion of the worlds elderly population (Williamson & Shen, 2004). In m some(prenominal) respects the reforms in China have non been working out as had been in be givened. The major troubles approach by the old-age pension reform in Latin America appear again in the newly introduced reforms in China. These problems include low coverage and compliance rates, poor transparency, and serious fiscal difficulties. E. Calvo, J. B. Williamson / diary of Aging Studies 22 (2008) 7487 5 Our analysis tries to obtain insights about the potential consequences of reforms currently being introduced in China based on evidence from eight Latin American countries genus Argentina, Bolivia, Chile, Colombia, El Salvador, Mexico, Peru and Uruguay that introduced some form of funded IRAs (partial privatization) between 1981 and 1998. Four other countries termsa Rica, the Dominican Republic, Ecuador, and Nicaragua are not included because their reforms are so new, because they are not save fully implemented, or due to the deprivation of information.Many differences can be found between the Latin American countries, and perhaps scour to a greater extent between them and China. For example, Latin American countries have undergone a variety of semi policy-making regimes, scarcely none of them has been close to Chinese communism. Differences acknowledged, our analysis emphasizes the major cultural and economic factors shared by the countries analyzed. We argue that the eight selected Latin American countries and China are strong traditional cultures and low-income economies characterized by the centrality of (1) the family, (2) reciprocal relationships, (3) rules of loyalty, and (4) poverty.Our analysis mettlesomelights the role of these factors in shaping the unfolding of the pension reform process with respect to four areas (1) coverage, (2) compliance, (3) transparency, and (4) fiscal stability. The role of the cultu ral and economic factors considered in this article has been largely overlooked in the literature on pension reform. Much of this literature focuses on political factors, much(prenominal)(prenominal)(prenominal) as the welfare state, communism, and the adult male Bank policies (e. g. Esping-Andersen, 1996 Fox, 1997 Frazier, 2004 Myles & Pierson, 2001).In this article our focus is on Latin America and China, but we find it essential to make some comparisons with the western European nations. The latter entrust be characterized as rationalized cultures and affluent economies dis run foring centrality of (1) the institutions supporting elderly, (2) individual fiscal planning, (3) legitimateity, and (4) wealth. Although a detailed analysis of westernmostern European countries is beyond the scope of this paper, the comparison has important advantages.A proportional perspective calls attention to the factors shared by Latin America and China. In addition, the western sandwich Europ ean nations symbolize a meetence smudge that can be used to provide all observers with a common frame through which to assess the pension reform in Latin America and from which to speculate about some of the challenges China will face in connection with pension changes currently being implemented. exclusively above all, the comparison to westward European nations helps to uncover some of the nderlying assumptions of these pension reforms that do not entirely hold for Latin America and China. In a somewhat oversimplified formulation, these assumptions are (1) preeminence of formal-institutional support systems of the elderly, (2) emphasis on individual responsibility for financial planning, (3) zealous attachment to the law, and (4) perception of old-age poverty as an spaced problem. Formulated in a more general way, we will argue that the reforms fail to account for some of the major cultural and economic characteristics shared by Latin America and China.Fig. 1 and Table 1 pr ovide a brief summary of a number of key points that we have briefly introduced above, but more importantly they as well as serve as guide to much of the analysis which follows. 2. Modernization pathways Population aging and with it the associated problems of reforming the old-age pension systems are taking channelize around the world. However, the challenge of pension policy reform is context-specific. In Latin America and China, this challenge is framed in the context of a traditional culture and low income economy.This claim should be understood in relative or comparative terms Latin America and China contrasted to the occidental European nations. In this section we will use the construct modernization pathway to describe broad historical transformations of the culture and the economy that precede the old-age pension reform and are common to a number of countries. We will consider two modernization pathways, one that fits a number of westernern European nations and a second w hich demote fits China and Latin America. Both can be viewed as Weberian ideal types (Weber, 1949, 1958).They are not meant to correspond to all of the characteristics of any particular country, but preferably to naughtylight common elements that play an important role in the pension policy reform acceptance and effectiveness. The Western Pathway is limited here to the Western European countries, though it whitethorn be carefully ext peculiarity to a a few(prenominal) Western countries outside Western Europe. Southern European countries (e. g. Spain, Portugal and Italy) are more culturally similar to Latin America and for this reason were excluded from the pathway draw here.The United States was also excluded because its exceptionalism adds unnecessary complexity to the typology (Lipset, 1996). However, the United States shares many characteristics of the Western European nations and is also influencing the pension reform in Latin America and China, as proponents of 76 E. Ca lvo, J. B. Williamson / Journal of Aging Studies 22 (2008) 7487 Fig. 1. The challenge of population aging for the pension system has come through dissimilar modernization pathways. world system and dependency theories have pointed out repeatedly (Wallerstein, 2004).Culture is one important domain where the Pathway of Latin America and China differs from the Western Pathway (Fig. 1). Latin America and China are both facing the challenge of population aging for their pension systems in the context of much stronger traditional cultures than found in the West. The Western Pathway, in contrast, is characterized by a deeply rationalized culture. According to goo Weber (1968) the process of rationalization tends to foster and to be associated with secularization and the view that everything is explainable by reason, at least in principle (Giddens, 1971 Kalberg, 1994 Lash & Whimster, 1987).In behavioral terms, rationality involves a second meaning greater reliance on means-ends calculatio ns designed to organize activity so as to more efficiently rival a particular goal. iodin indicator of the level of rationalization in a society is a strong and uncorrupt formal legal system which fosters a loving regulate based in large measure on laws, not just traditional cultural practices. Fig. 2 suggests that putrescence levels are disdain in Western European countries than in China and in most Latin American countries.Although a traditional culture may have a formal legal system, the social order may be less based on these laws than in Western countries (Sandholtz & Taagepera, 2005 Treisman, 2000). In China, for example, if there is a departure between two families, rather than engage lawyers and courts, people may turn to spirit-mediums, respected in the community, familiarized with the parties involved and local history, and thus qualified to suggest solutions that are acceptable to both sides (Adler, 2002).Such evidence suggests that China and Latin America have not undergone as profound a rationalization process as have the Western European nations. Economy is a second important domain where the Pathway for Latin America and China differs from the Western Pathway (Fig. 1). In contrast to Western countries, Latin America and China are also facing the challenge of speedy population aging before reaching high levels of national income. Despite rapid economic growth since the early mid-eighties, China is still a poor country.In 2001, more than 16% of the Chinese population was alimentation on less than one dollar per day ( domain Bank, 2003). In Latin America, one-fifth of the total population lives in extreme poverty and almost atomal in poverty (ECLAC, 2004). Fig. 3 illustrates the recent trends in Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita of the Western Pathway in comparison to the trends for China and Latin America. While this data covers a very recent time period, it is consistent with and lends support to the Weberian idea that in Western Europe the rationalization process is followed by a prosperous capitalist economic development.Summing up, only after becoming rational and affluent societies do the Western countries start facing the challenge of a rapid population aging and the associated need for pension system reform. Clearly this is not the case of Latin America and China, which have Table 1 Modernization pathways and areas of challenge for old-age pension system reform China and Latin America1 Family (xiao) Reciprocity (chung) Loyalty (zhong) Poverty 1 Western Countries Institutions Individual Planning Legality Wealth Old-age pension reform coverage Compliance Transparency Fiscal stabilityThe pinyin system of Romanization has been used for Chinese terms for Confucian virtues. E. Calvo, J. B. Williamson / Journal of Aging Studies 22 (2008) 7487 77 Fig. 2. Western countries are perceived as less corrupt than China and Latin America (Transparency International, 2005). much stronger traditional cultures and have not yet reached the Western European level of economic development (Fig. 1). However, these distinctive characteristics have received little attention in the design of pension reforms or in efforts to evaluate the efficacy of these reforms in Latin America and China (Gill et al. 2005 Holzmann & Hinz, 2005 Mesa-Lago, 2005 Williamson & Deitelbaum, 2005 World Bank, 1994, 1997). Many have argued that religion is one of the most important factors explaining the differences between Western Europe and China and Latin America (Cousino 1990 Cousino & Valenzuela, 1994 Morande, 1984 Weber , 1951, 1963, 2002). Chinese Confucianism and Latin American Marianism the Catholic adoration of the Virgin Mary have been said to lack the elements central to the Protestant ethic that would bring about an early and profound rationalization process and capitalist development.Max Weber posed the question why did the modern West develop the way it did, and why did China not develop at the aforementioned(pr enominal) time and in the same way as the West? He focused on a number of factors that distinguish European modernization from that of China arguing, for Fig. 3. The western pathway is characterized by wealth (International Monetary redactment trust (IMF), 2005). 78 E. Calvo, J. B. Williamson / Journal of Aging Studies 22 (2008) 7487 example, that Western European countries were characterized by the separation of the productive enterprise from the household, composition China was organized on the basis of extended kinship clans (Weber, 1961).But the most important difference Weber (1951, 1963, 2002) highlights is that between European Protestantism and Chinese Confucianism. Protestantism is based on an ethic that prompts an brisk attitude to change the world and places an emphasis on the individual. Confucianism is an ethic of adjustment to the world it accepts things as they are and promotes a contemplative, mystical and passive attitude that tends to strain ancient traditions. In this sense, Confucianism lacks the active tension that exists between Protestant religion and the world.That is, it lacked a mentality or moral faculty suited for the early branch of modern capitalism and a rationalized social order. Similarly to Webers comparison of Confucianism to Protestantism, Latin American Sociologists contrast Marianism with Protestantism (Cousino, 1990 Cousino & Valenzuela, 1994 Morande, 1984). The ethic of Marianism is that of grace and mercy rather than individual deservingness and responsibility. Mary is viewed as a mother-like figure with compassionate attitude towards offenders and willingness to grant favors. She recompenses devotion with clemency and unmerited divine concessions.Accordingly, Marianism as is the case with Confucianism lacks the moral energy that would bring about a profound rationalization process and early capitalist development. Note that this is an historical argument. Hence, we are not arguing that China or Latin America c an not develop (or will not at some point in the future) a rationalized culture or modern capitalism rather, we are arguing that they did not do so before and in the same way as the West. Actually, between the 1960s and 1980s, Latin America and China were actively trying to rationalize their cultures, though the resolves of these efforts were modest.The rationalization efforts in China and Latin America were driven by the desire to emulate the Western countries and not the same differentiated culture that drove the rationalization process in Western Europe. We will use the term differentiated culture to refer to a culture in which people are confronted with conflicting world views (e. g. , Protestant vs. Catholic) and contrast it with a traditional culture in which everyone shares basically the same world views and assumptions.A differentiated culture was found on Western Europe during the sixteenth century, when the Protestant correctation and related phantasmal controversies sp lit the traditional Catholic unity of the region. A differ- entiated culture does not provide an adequate level of social integration and requires the creation of rational arrangements to assure social order (Cousino & Valenzuela, 1994). In Latin America and China the rationalization effort took place in the context of a less differentiated culture and as a result the rationalization process has been less pervasive in these regions than in West.For example, during the Cultural Revolution (1966 1976) the traditional culture was harshly attacked in China temples were destroyed and Confucianism was tell an outdated ideology and popular religion mere superstition. However, starting with the 1980s there is widespread evidence of a strong revival of traditional religious practices and beliefs (Adler 2002 Lagerwey, 2004 Overmyer, 2003). Temples are being re-built and devotion to local deities stretchs to thrive. Festivals, rituals, dances, processions, communication with supernatural bei ngs, fengshui, and popular medicine are now part of ordinary life for any Chinese people. Altars for ancestors and patron deities are found in many households. Confucianism remains at the core of the cultural unity of China, albeit more as an ethical philosophy or system of thought than as a formal religion. Similarly, Latin America has not experienced the level of cultural differentiation found in Western Europe. Latin American Sociologists argue that Latin American culture remains integrated by the values and norms underlying Marianism (Cousino, 1990 Cousino & Valenzuela, 1994 Morande, 1984).Just to remind, these claims should be understood in comparative terms Latin America and China are strong traditional cultures relative to the West. It is also important to note that numerous factors other than religion may have influenced the modernization pathways. However, describing these factors goes beyond the scope of this article. The point that we want to stress here is the disparity between the modernization pathways of China and Latin America as opposed to Western Europe.To summarize, for the countries under consideration there is a difference in the type of cultural and economic transformations that have preceded the challenge of rapid population aging and the associated need for pension reform. There has also been a difference in the timing of these processes. While numerous Western countries first experienced cultural rationalization, next economic modernization, and then faced the challenges of population aging and pension policy reform, both Latin America and China are dealing with these challenges in the context of much less developed economies and stronger traditional cultures (Fig. ). E. Calvo, J. B. Williamson / Journal of Aging Studies 22 (2008) 7487 79 3. award reform in low-income traditional societies Latin America and China both have traditional cultures and low-income economies. As specify here, a traditional culture is organized around three principles family, reciprocity, and loyalty. In comparison, a rationalized culture is organized around institutions, planning, and legality. In this case the traditional cultures are also low-income economies characterized by poverty while the rationalized cultures are developed economies characterized by ealth (Table 1). Note that the separation of traditional and rational does not imply that traditional cultures are irrational. Conflicting principles can coexist in the same culture, but typically one has preeminence over the other. Drawing evidence from Latin America, in this section we argue that the modernization pathway preceding the aging challenge in China will shape the challenge to the old-age pension system reform in four interrelated areas coverage, compliance, transparency, and fiscal stability (Table 1).Coverage old-age pension institutions and family The effects of the pension reform on coverage rates in Latin America have been largely discussed in previous literature (Arenas de Mesa, 2000 ECLAC, 2006 Gill et al. , 2005 Jimenez & Cuadros, 2003 Mesa-Lago, 2004 Packard, 2002). There is not much agreement about what measure of coverage should be used. However, regardless of the indicator used, for most of the countries analyzed a substantial fraction of the popula- tion is remaining without coverage (Table 2).For a detailed discussion of the reason for the discrepancies between these various indicators see Rofman (2005). As with Latin America, a large fraction of the Chinese population is left without coverage. About two-thirds of Chinese workers live in pastoral areas and in those areas only about 11% of these workers are covered by a formal-institutional pension system. Coverage goes up to 55% of the workforce in urban areas, although even this level of coverage is insufficient by Western standards. Overall, three out of four Chinese workers have no pension coverage at all (Jackson & Howe 2004).It is for the most part agreed by most Chinese pol icymakers that it is not feasible at this point in time to extend coverage by the formal-institutional old-age pension institutions to the vast Chinese rural population, despite the high level of rural old-age poverty (Williamson & Shen, 2004). base on analogous pension reform efforts in a number of Latin American countries, it does not seem likely that current reform efforts in China are going to substantially plus coverage any time soon (Arenas de Mesa, 2000 ECLAC, 2006 Gill et al. 2005 Jimenez & Cuadros, 2003 Mesa-Lago, 2004 Packard, 2002). Today most Chinese rely to a great extent on family networks for support. According to the 2000 census data, about two-thirds of those age 65 and over live with their children (Table 3). This tendency is particularly strong for elderly women active in rural areas. The lack of formal-institutional pension coverage for most elderly Chinese and the evidence from Latin America suggesting that coverage may not substantially increase any time so on, leads us to the conclusion that in ChinaTable 2 In Latin America pension system reform has left a substantial fraction of the population without coverage a Country Coverage before the reform Coverage after the reform Contributors/economically active population (year) Chile Argentina Mexico Uruguay Colombia Peru El Salvador Bolivia a b Other indicators of coverage after the reform Contributors/economically Contributors/employed Contributors/wageBenficiaries/population active population b (2002) persons b (20002003) earners b (20002003) age 65+ c (20002003) 0. 58 0. 26 0. 33 0. 45 0. 18 0. 12 0. 22 0. 11 0. 63 0. 40 d 0. 39 0. 65 d 0. 14 0. 32 0. 11 0. 77 0. 55 d 0. 2 0. 79 d 0. 31 0. 53 0. 29 0. 64 0. 68 d 0. 19 0. 87 d 0. 19 0. 24 0. 15 0. 15 0. 64 (1980) 0. 50 (1994) 0. 37 (1997) 0. 32 (1997) 0. 32 (1993) 0. 31 (1993) 0. 26 (1996) 0. 12 (1996) Adapted from AIOS, 2005 Mesa-Lago, 2005 and Rofman, 2005. These amounts could overestimate coverage for workers doing sporadic compo nent parts, or underestimate coverage for workers not doing roles but covered by non-contributory pensions. c This measurement could underestimate coverage for spouses of beneficiaries, for individuals who continue working and delayed the benefits, and individuals receiving non-contributive benefits. Information for urban areas. 80 E. Calvo, J. B. Williamson / Journal of Aging Studies 22 (2008) 7487 Table 3 The majority of Chinese elders live with their children1 Rural Urban Rural-urban combined Males Living alone 8. 7 7. 7 8. 4 With spouse only 26. 3 33. 7 28. 8 With spouse and other, not with children 0. 7 0. 8 0. 7 With spouse and children 36. 5 39. 0 37. 4 With children, not with spouse 25. 6 16. 8 22. 6 With others, not with spouse and 1. 9 1. 3 1. 7 children Institution 0. 3 0. 7 0. 4 Grand total 100. 0 100. 0 100. 0 Subtotal of living with spouse 63. 73. 5 66. 9 Subtotal of living with children 62. 1 55. 8 59. 9 Females Living alone 9. 8 12. 4 10. 7 With spouse only 17. 9 21 . 3 19. 1 With spouse and other, not with children 0. 3 0. 6 0. 4 With spouse and children 22. 8 21. 7 22. 4 With children, not with spouse 48. 1 42. 6 46. 2 With others, not with spouse and 0. 9 1. 0 0. 9 children Institution 0. 2 0. 4 0. 3 Grand total 100. 0 100. 0 100. 0 Subtotal of living with spouse 41. 0 43. 6 41. 9 Subtotal of living with children 70. 9 64. 4 68. 7 1 of the family in the Latin American culture.There is no reason to expect a different outcome in China. The Confucian ethic of filial piety (xiao) involves respect, obedience, gratitude and the obligation to reciprocate for parents having given us life and, in comparison to the Western countries, this ethic remains very strong in China (Gu & Liang, 2000 Sung, 2000). It has been motivating children to take care of their elderly parents for centuries and will probably continue to play a role for care for the elderly long into the future (Zeng & Wang, 2003), though increasingly in combination with formal old-age pens ion institutions.The assumption do by some analysts that the family support system is going to break down places the Chinese case into a conceptual framework better suited to the Western Pathway. But that framework overlooks the fact that China continues to be a traditional culture and it limits policymakers to considering individualized ways to support retirees, relegating the family network of support to a secondary role in the policy debate about the reform. Compliance individual financial planning and reciprocity Closely related to the coverage problem are low compliance rates and low contribution densities.One goal of the pension reform in Latin America has been to improve incentives for workers to participate in the system and to increase personal contributions to their funded accounts. A strengthened equivalence principle (a linkage between contributions and pension benefits) was expected to get workers to view their contributions as investments or savings rather than as a t ax. This in turn was expected to increase the incentive for participating and contributing to the system (World Bank, 1994).However, the evidence from Latin American does not point to any such trend (Gill et al. , 2005 Jimenez & Cuadros, 2003 Mesa-Lago, 2004 Packard, 2002 Rofman, 2005). recite presented in Table 4 shows that compliance rates have actually decreased in Latin America suggesting that IRAs are not having the expected impact on the incentive to contribute. It is generally agreed both in Latin America and in China that some segments of the population are particularly reluctant to contribute.For example, workers in rural areas, workers in the informal sector of the economy, and low-wage workers choose savings options other than IRAs, such as housing and the education of their children (ECLAC, 2006 Gill et al. , 2005 Kritzer, 2000 Mesa-Lago, 2004 Packard, 2001 Rofman, 2005). Living arrangements for Chinese population aged 65 and over, rural urban comparison, year 2000. Ada pted from Zeng & Wang, 2003. family support is likely to remain the primary source of old-age credentials during the foreseeable future, at least in rural areas, where there is virtually no pension coverage.On the other hand, the project demographic change for China gives us reason to questions the efficacy of the traditional family support system for meeting the economic needs of tomorrows Chinese elderly (Gubhaju & Moriki-Durand, 2003 Zeng & Wang, 2003). In 1970, the Chinese elderly were outnumbered by children six to one, but by 2040 there will be two elderly people for every child (UN 2003). This communicate demographic change will place great strain in the traditional family support system and suggests that the need for old-age pensions is going to be increasing.It is clear that the Chinese elderly will not be able to rely solely on family arrangements (Friedman, James, Kane, & Queisser, 1996 World Bank, 1997). Nonetheless, it is also true that family support networks will co ntinue to play a very important role for many of the elderly. Examination of recent pension reform efforts in Latin America suggest that the family performs a significant function as a source of support and protection for the elderly, given the limited coverage of the pension system in the region (ECLAC, 2004) and the centrality E.Calvo, J. B. Williamson / Journal of Aging Studies 22 (2008) 7487 Table 4 Compliance rates have declined in Latin America a Country Argentina Bolivia Chile Colombia b El Salvalor Mexico c Peru Uruguay 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 48. 9 52. 8 67. 2 63. 4 45. 6 67. 4 44. 3 53. 4 51. 6 63. 8 60. 2 45. 7 58. 7 39. 1 50. 9 48. 5 53. 5 57. 9 41. 7 53. 9 29. 0 47. 0 53. 7 48. 7 53. 2 44. 7 41. 2 53. 2 33. 2 46. 9 51. 0 47. 6 47. 6 41. 7 39. 4 45. 1 35. 2 39. 0 51. 9 48. 7 46. 3 39. 3 41. 9 52. 7 35. 4 44. 9 50. 4 49. 5 41. 9 38. 39. 9 52. 5 40. 3 47. 5 51. 2 50. 6 39. 5 37. 6 36. 2 55. 7 81 a Percentage of affiliates who contributed in the past mo nth to IRAs, December 19982005. Source Mesa-Lago, 2005 and AIOS, 2005. b In 19932003 contributor was an affiliate who had at least one contribution in the tolerate six months. c In 19932003 contributor was an affiliate who had at least one contribution in the past two months. Why might these groups avoid contributions to a reformed old-age pension system if it is clearly strengthened with respect to the equivalence principle?We will focus on explanations connected to the modernization pathway preceding the reform. One potential explanation is that individuals are irrational not contributing to the IRA reveals a myopic behavior or short planning horizon (Valdes-Prieto, 2002). Here we offer an alternative explanation the preference for the education of ones children and housing over IRAs is a rational behavior for an individual in a traditional culture and in a low-income economy, where the family is a strong social unit organized around reciprocity and affected by poverty.What is co nsidered rational in Latin America and China may not be considered rational from the perspective of the Western Pathway. numerous studies in Latin America conclude that contributing to the IRAs is too costly, particularly for low-income workers who struggle to meet immediate basic needs for survival and face the public press consumption needs of their families (Barr & Packard, 2000 Gill et al. , 2005 Jimenez & Cuadros, 2003 Kritzer, 2000 Mesa-Lago, 2004 Packard, 2002). In Fig. 4 we present aggregate data that points to a similar trend.We see that compliance rates tend to increase as GDP per capita increases, despite evidence of some variation between nations in similar GDP per capita ranges (e. g. Mexico versus Uruguay). At the cultural level, contributing to an IRA could dissipate the motorbike of reciprocity inside a family. By investing in housing and childhood education, wealth is shared and transferred among generations in a permanent cycle of giving, receiving, and returnin g (Bataille, 1998 Mauss, 1967), a dynamic that assures family support at older ages.Summing up, in a lowincome economy and a culture where reciprocity has primacy over individual financial planning, a strengthened equivalence principle is likely to have little impact on a workers propensity to contribute to the system. As with Latin-Americans, the Chinese are severely affected by poverty and tend to show a lack of enthusiasm for IRAs (Zhao & Xu, 2002), but support for the principle of reciprocity inside the family (Bengston & Putney, 2000 Gu & Liang, 2000 Sung, 2000). Therefore, it is reasonable to hypothesize that a stronger equivalence principle is an insufficient incentive for Chinese workers to contribute.Two caveats should be mentioned when assessing ways to increase compliance rates in China. First, while the value placed on reciprocity is associated with what we call an ethic of family savings in China, in Latin American it occurs within an ethic of ritual spending of wealth (Cousino, 1990 Cousino & Valenzuela, 1994 Fig. 4. Coverage is larger in wealthier countries (International Monetary Fund (IMF), 2005 Transparency International, 2005). 82 E. Calvo, J. B. Williamson / Journal of Aging Studies 22 (2008) 7487 Morande, 1984).In Latin America, reciprocity is extended beyond the family to God and nature. For example, a profuse harvest is comprehended as a gift of nature or a favor from God. The extemporaneous reaction of people is to greet the benefactor with sacrifices or to spend part of the wealth received in a celebration. The popular belief is that human efforts cannot make headway without luck or divine support. This belief is confirmed in Latin American semantics, where the concepts earning and winning are indistinct you win a wage as you win a lottery.This example illustrates Latin Americans predisposition to spend and share wealth as if it were a prize. Individual financial planning is not based on this type of reasoning where wealth is often attributed to God or the earth. Such behavior is more typical in cultures that attribute the origin of wealth to human work. In Chinese culture this link seems to be stronger, perhaps because land is more highly regulated and is perceived as a particularly scarce resource.The Chinese more readily save wealth than Latin-Americans, though savings may be for childrens prosperity and perpetuating the principle of reciprocity. Even Chinese individuals living in foreign countries, where changes in the family support patterns are more prevalent, tend to sacrifice part of their personal gain for the welfare of their family (Lan, 2002 Wong, Yoo, & Stewart, 2006). The fact that the equivalence principle could be strengthened a lot more in China constitutes a second caveat when assessing ways to increase compliance rates (Dorn, 2004 Zhao & Xu, 2002).China has officially based its old-age pension system reform, at least in part, on funded IRAs but in actual practice these IRAs are often close r to the NDC (notional or unfunded defined contribution) model than to the funded defined contribution model (Williamson & Deitelbaum, 2005). The NDC model (also referred to as the Non-Financial Defined Contribution model) is explicated in detail elsewhere (Holzmann & Palmer 2006 Williamson, 2004 Williamson & Zheng, 2003).IRAs have been set up and a record is being kept of what has been contributed, but the brass routinely diverts bills from IRAs to pay pensions to the currently retired. The discrepancy between pension policy as described in government documents and what happens in actual practice, has the unintended effect of contributing to suspicion and discouraging both participation and compliance. Fig. 5 suggests that transparency and credibility (high cost-of-living index scores) are associated with higher compliance rates.Corruption levels in China are similar to those of Argentina and Peru, and most likely have a negative effect on compliance rates. Transparency legality and loyalty The privatization reforms in Latin America were designed to provide pension systems with a high degree of resistance to political manipulation (World Bank, 1994). However, the economic crisis in Argentina that started in the late 1990s has been attributed in part to the deficit created by the old-age pension reform and poor guidance of the funds (Bertranou, Rofman, & Grushka, 2003 Matijascic & Kay, 2006 Mesa-Lago, 2004).Argentina deferred its debt by selling bonds to the fund management companies. This risky behavior illustrates that the new funded systems are not immune to political manipulation and that it is important to invest in asset classes other than just government bonds. The Fig. 5. Coverage is larger in countries with better CPI score (less corrupt) (International Monetary Fund (IMF), 2005 Transparency International, 2005). E. Calvo, J. B. Williamson / Journal of Aging Studies 22 (2008) 7487 83 case of Bolivia is another good example.Loose regulations led to fraudulent interpretations of the rules for the transition, contributing to higher than expected costs (Dowers, Fassina, & Pettinato, 2001 Escobar & Nina, 2004 Gill et al. , 2005). On the other hand, Chiles better coverage can be attributed, at least in part, to its lower level of corruption. Fig. 2 shows the disparity in levels of corruption between Chile and other Latin American countries. Chile has a CPI score closer to Belgium and France, while Argentina and Bolivia have the lowest scores.China also has low CPI scores this may foreshadow problems with corruption in the funded component of the Chinese pension system. As discussed earlier, a strong and clean legal system is an indicator of rationalization. A rationalized set of laws is needed when traditional behaviors are unable to provide sufficient social order. In traditional cultures, loyalty upholds order to a greater extent than legality and leads people to provide favors and preferential treatment to friends or relatives. When a morality based on personal relationships and favors is extended to public institutions, such as the pension system, corruption is a high risk (corruption is a judgment make from the reference point of legality). Accordingly, in a traditional culture, the shift from family support to the support of a formal-institutional pension system either with or without IRAs is prone to corruption. China is particularly vulnerable to corruption for several(prenominal) reasons (Sandholtz Taagepera, 2005).First, loyalty (zhong) is a longstanding Confucian virtue that permeates all social relationships (Adler, 2002). Second, mechanisms that facilitate regulation and supervision of the pension system have been slow to come forward (Holzmann & Hinz, 2005). Third, funds are typically invested with low public transparency in a context where there is too much money for too few opportunities (Holzmann & Hinz, 2005 Williamson & Shen, 2004). Fourth, the money is collected, administered, and owned by the government (Dorn, 2004 Jackson & Howe, 2004 Holzmann & Hinz, 2005).Consequently, separating these roles, diversifying the investment opportunities, carefully establishing and legitimating the regulatory system, creating technical organizations of supervision, and enabling greater public access to information about fund management are all much needed go in Chinese pension reform. Fiscal stability economic growth and poverty reduction One of the major political selling points for the partial privatization of pension schemes has been governments difficulty with financing the increasing pension burden associated with prior PAYG defined benefit schemes.Therefore, the fiscal stability of the new systems is fundamental to the credibility of the reforms (Dowers et al. , 2001 Gill et al. , 2005). In Latin America the fiscal burden has remained substantial, though it may have been even higher, particularly in future decades, without recent reforms. The shift to partial privatization typically calls for some form of double payments payments associated to the new system, but also payments recognizing benefits and contributions for those participating in the old system (Jimenez & Cuadros, 2003 Mesa-Lago, 2000).The transition costs associated with these reforms have typically turned out to be much larger and are currently projected to last much longer than had originally been expected. Permanent costs may also increase low rates of compliance could force the government to aid more people than initially anticipated through the minimum pension guarantee and social assistance pensions. For the region as a whole the cost of social security and social assistance taken together increased from 5. 2% of the GDP in 19901991 to 7. % in 20022003 (ECLAC, 2006). These costs are likely to be high in China as well. Fiscal difficulties have been a problem affecting the Chinese old-age pension system since the 1980s (Jackson & Howe, 2004 Whiteford, 2003 Williamson & Deitelbaum, 200 5). Previously, State-Owned-Enterprises (SOEs) were responsible for providing pensions to their retired employees. In the 1980s the finances of the SOEs became deeply strained by the transition to a market economy and the governments decision to stop subsidizing them.Without government support and with a declining number of workers, SOEs faced serious difficulties in providing pensions for their former workers. In response to this problem, the Chinese government has called for municipal pooling of pension obligations and contributions. This reform largely shifted the financial crisis from SOEs to the municipalities. With the 1997 reforms, the pension burden, previously shifted from the SOEs to the municipalities, was in part returned to the central government.Chinas long history of fiscal problems in its pension system and the evidence of pervasive fiscal problems associated with the new privatization related reforms in Latin America suggest that the pension related fiscal burden wi ll continue to be a major challenge for pension reformers in China. Chinas half-hearted fiscal particular in the long time preceding recent reforms raises concerns about how the nation will deal with the impending cost of the transition. Fig. 6 illustrates the fiscal situation of Chile, Argentina, and 84 E. Calvo, J. B. Williamson / Journal of Aging Studies 22 (2008) 7487 Fig. 6.The fiscal strength prior to the reform is key to overstep its costs. China in the years preceding the privatization related reforms. Argentina dramatically underestimated the cost of the transition, and during its recent economic crisis paid a heavy price for this mistake. In Chile the transition cost was also very high (about 5. 7% of annual GDP during the 1980s and 1990s), but the general fiscal surplus was very helpful in dealing with this burden (Gill et al. , 2005 Mesa-Lago, 2000). Fig. 6 shows that China is in a comparatively weak position to handle the fiscal pressures of the reform.Finding a way t o finance the pension system is a problem for most countries around the world, but this problem becomes particularly acute for low-income countries, such as China and those in Latin America. However, there is an important difference between China and Latin America. The Chinese government has called for a new pension system that is based in part on funded IRAs, but due to lack of alternative ways to raise the money needed to pay promised pensions to those who are currently retired, these funded accounts are today for the most part unfunded.The money has been used, typically by the local government to pay pensions to those who are already retired, leaving little more than electronic records in the accounts of individual workers specifying that they have made specific contributions to their account and the level of the unfunded balances in those accounts. In practice, China is using a variant of notional accounts as a financing dodging for the pension system (Williamson, 2004 Williams on & Shen, 2004 Williamson & Zheng, 2003).The discrepancy between the formal structure of the program and what is actually going on must be contributing to mistrust of the government and to a lack of confidence in the pension system. It must also be reducing the incentive to contribute and increasing the incentive to evade give into the scheme. However, there are advantages to the NDC model when properly designed as the model does help to spread the transition costs over more age cohorts and it does tend to reduce administrative costs.Low-income countries face difficulties as they try to balance the aims of fostering economic growth and poverty reduction as they reform their pension schemes. It is generally assumed that the main objective for an old-age pension system is to provide at least some financial security for the elderly. In those countries with many elderly in or at risk of poverty, the need for income redistribution becomes particularly salient. Minimum and non-contribut ive pensions can be used to help with redistribution and poverty reduction, but they do not maximise the equivalence principle and do increase the cost of the system (Gill et al. 2005 Holzmann & Hinz, 2005 Jimenez & Cuadros, 2003 Johnson & Williamson, 2006 Matijascic & Kay, 2006 Mesa-Lago, 2004). 4. Conclusion While numerous Western countries first experienced cultural rationalization, then economic modernization, and after that faced the challenges of population aging, both Latin America and China are dealing with pension system reforms in the context of much stronger traditional cultures and less developed economies (Fig. 1).The analysis presented in this article suggests that these distinctive characteristics have shaped the consequences of the reforms in Latin America and will likely do so in China. Specific challenges arise in the context of a traditional culture and a low-income economy where society is organized around the principles of family, reciprocity, loyalty, and pove rty (Table 1). One of the most predictable challenges will be the coverage problem. Most Chinese elderly are not covered by formal old-age pension E. Calvo, J. B.Williamson / Journal of Aging Studies 22 (2008) 7487 85 institutions and currently rely only on traditional family support. There is no evidence from the Latin American countries that have introduced pension reforms calling for partial privatization suggesting that coverage for the Chinese system is likely to approach world(a)ity in the foreseeable future. Therefore, the family unit, the traditional source of well-being at older ages, seems likely to continue being the major pillar of the old-age security, particularly in rural areas.However, in the decades ahead the Chinese elderly will with increasing frequency find that their families are not in a position to provide the needed support. The need for formalinstitutional pension coverage will be increasing rapidly in the years ahead. A key question will be whether the rec ent reforms calling for partial privatization will in the end undermine or strengthen traditional family networks of support and filial piety. Low compliance rates are another major challenge for China. Although incentives to contribute have improved, the current low compliance rates point to a preference for old-age security based on reciprocity (e. . investments on childrens education) rather than individual financial planning. Strengthening the equivalence principle that links contributions and benefits could stimulate compliance for some. Nevertheless, those used to living in poverty, particularly in rural areas, may resist efforts to boost individual financial planning and may prefer to sacrifice part of their modest wealth for the family. It would make sense for policy makers to adjust incentives in such a way as to take into consideration historical, cultural, and contextual factors.Corruption and lack of transparency aggravate the coverage and compliance problems and consti tute yet another challenge for the Chinese reforms. Where loyalty has primacy over legality, corruption and lack of transparency are likely outcomes. Favors are expected in a traditional culture, but such favors are considered corruption in a modern institutional context. Carefully designing, fully legitimating, and cautiously implementing the regulatory system and supervisory institutions are important steps to improve transparency and credibility.Another foreseeable challenge for the Chinese reform is the fiscal burden. How to finance the reform and to balance the objectives of economic growth and poverty reduction are major questions almost everywhere, but low-income countries such as China face additional difficulties. The empty IRAs, which were supposed to accumulate funds, are likely to increase distrust of government and of government sponsored old-age security schemes. It might make sense for Chinese policy makers to introduce a system based on unfunded defined contribution accounts at least until it is clear that ational financial markets and administrative structures are ready for the demands of a partially privatized social security system. The nations in Latin America under consideration here have not succeeded with respect to coverage and compliance. In addition, transparency and fiscal stability are far from certain. This evidence suggests that without some major changes in the current policy direction, China may be headed for potentially serious pension policy problems in these four areas. The modernization pathway preceding old-age pension reform in China will likely shape the process and outcomes in these four areas.Chinese policymakers might well benefit from a close analysis of the flaws that are starting to become clear in connection with the new partially funded pension schemes that have been introduced in Latin America in recent years. Acknowledgments The authors acknowledge partial financial support for this project from the Center for R etirement Research at Boston College. The authors also thank the following people for their comments on and other forms of help in connection with this article and previous versions Michael Agliardo, Joaquin Blaya, Michael Cermak, Paula Errazuriz, Shari Grove, Jessica Johnson, Stephen Kalberg, and Ce Shen.However, the authors should be held responsible for any errors or inaccuracies that remain in this article. References Adler, J. (2002). Chinese Religious Traditions. Upper Saddle River, NJ Prentice Hall. Arenas de Mesa, A. (2000). Cobertura Previsional en Chile Lecciones y Desafios del Sistema de Pensiones Administrado por el Sector Privado. Serie Financiamiento del Desarrollo, Vol. 115. Santiago, Chile CEPAL. Asociacion Internacional de Organismos de Supervision de Fondos de Pensiones (AIOS). (1999-2005). Boletin Estadistico. Retrieved April 2006 (http//www. aiosfp. org/). Barr, A. , & Packard, T. 2000). Revealed and Concealed Preferences and self-importance Insurance Can We Lear n From the Self Employed in Chile. Department of Economics Discussion Paper, Vol. 53. Oxford, UK Oxford University. Bataille, G. (1998). The Accursed Share An Essay on General Economy. Translated by R. Hurley. radical York Zone Books. Bengston, V. , & Putney, N. (2000). Who will care for tomorrows elderly? Consequences of population aging east and west. In V. Bengtson, K. Kim, G. Myers, & K. Eun (Eds. ), Aging in East and West Families, States, and the Elderly (pp. 263? 286). recent York Springer Publishing Company. Bertranou, F. Rofman, R. , & Grushka, C. (2003). From reform to crisis Argentinas pension system. International Social Security Review, 56(2), 103? 114. 86 E. Calvo, J. B. Williamson / Journal of Aging Studies 22 (2008) 7487 Johnson, J. K. M. , & Williamson, J. B. (2006). Do universal noncontributory old-age pensions make sense for rural areas in lowincome nations? International Social Security Review, 59(4). Kalberg, S. (1994). Max Webers Comparative-Historical Sociol ogy. Chicago, IL University of Chicago Press. Kritzer, B. (2000). Social security privatization in Latin America. Social Security Bulletin, 63(2), 17? 7. Kritzer, B. (2005). Individual accounts in other countries. Social Security Bulletin, 66(1), 31? 37. Lan, P. -C. (2002). Subcontracting filial piety Elder care in ethnic Chinese immigrant families in California. Journal of Family Issues, 23(7), 812? 835. Lagerwey, J. (Ed). 2004. Religion and Chinese Society. Vol. 2. Hong Kong The Chinese University Press and Ecole Francaise dExtreme-Orient. Lash, S. & Whimster, S. (Eds. ). (1987). Max Weber, Rationality and Modernity. London, UK Allen & Unwin. Lipset, S. M. (1996). American Exceptionalism A Double-Edged Sword. novel York W. W.Norton. Matijascic, M. , & Kay, S. (2006). Social security at the crossroads Toward effective pension reform in Latin America. International Social Security Review, 59, 3? 26. Mauss, M. (1967). The Gift Forms and Functions of Exchange in crude Societies. New York Norton. Mesa-Lago, C. (2000). Estudio Comparativo de los Costos Fiscales en la Transicion de Ocho Reformas de Pensiones en America Latina. Serie Financiamiento del Desarrollo, Vol. 93. Santiago, Chile CEPAL. Mesa-Lago, C. (2004). Las Reformas de Pensiones en America Latina y su Impacto en los Principios de la Seguridad Social.Serie Financiamiento del Desarrollo, Vol. 144. Santiago, Chile CEPAL. Mesa-Lago, C. (2005). Assessing the World Bank report keeping the promise. International Social Security Review, 58(2), 97? 118. Morande, P. (1984). Cultura y Modernizacion en America Latina. Santiago, Chile Pontificia Universidad Catolica de Chile. Myles, J. , & Pierson, P. (2001). The comparative political economy of pension reform. In P. Pierson (Ed. ), The New Politics of the Welfare State (pp. 305? 333). New York Oxford University Press. Overmyer, D. (Ed. ). (2003). Religion in China Today. Cambridge Cambridge University Press.Packard, T. (2001). Is There a Positive Incentive Effec t From Privatizing Social Security? Evidence from Latin America. Policy Research Working Paper, Vol. 2719. Washington, DC World Bank. Packard, T. (2002). Pooling, savings, and Prevention. Mitigating the Risk of Old Age poverty in Chile. Background Paper for Regional training on Social Security Reform. Washington, DC World Bank. Rofman, R. (2005). Social Security Coverage in Latin America. Social Protection Discussion Paper, Vol. 0523. Washington, DC World Bank. Sandholtz, W. , & Taagepera, R. (2005). Corruption, culture, and communism.International Review of Sociology, 15(1), 109? 131. Sung, K. (2000). An Asian perspective on aging east and west Filial piety and changing families. In V. Bengtson, K. Kim, G. Myers, & K. Eun (Eds. ), Aging in East and West Families, States, and the Elderly (pp. 41? 56). New York Springer Publishing Company. Transparency International. (2005). Corruption perceptions index 2005. Transparency International, Retrieved September? December, 2005 (www. tra nsparency. org and www. icgg. org) Treisman, D. (2000). The causes of corruption A cross-national study. Journal of Public Economics, 76(3), 399? 57. United Nations (UN). 2005. World Population Prospects The 2004 Revision. UN, Retrieved September-December, 2005 (http//esa. un. org/unpp/) Cousino, C. (1990). Razon y Ofrenda. Ensayo en Torno a los Limites y Perspectivas de la Sociologia en America Latina. Santiago, Chile Pontificia Universidad Catolica de Chile. Cousino, C. , & Valenzuela, E. (1994). Politizacion y Monetarizacion en America Latina. Santiago, Chile Pontificia Universidad Catolica de Chile. Dorn, J. (2004). Pension reform in China A question of property rights. The Cato Journal, 23(3), 433? 447. Dowers, K. , Fassina, S. & Pettinato, S. (2001). Pension Reform in Small Emerging Economies. Sustainable Development Department technical Paper No. IMF-130. Washington, DC InterAmerican Development Bank. Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC). (2004). S ocial Panorama of Latin America, 2004. Santiago, Chile ECLAC. Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC). (2006). Shaping the Future of Social Protection Access, Financing and Solidarity. Santiago, Chile ECLAC. Escobar, F. , & Nina, O. (2004). A Pension Reform in Bolivia A Review of Approach and Experience. content No.GIE6. La Paz, Bolivia Grupo Integral. Esping-Andersen, G. (Ed. ). (1996). Welfare States in Transition National Adaptations in Global Economies. London, UK Sage Publications. Fox, L. (1997). Pension reform in the post-communist transition economies. In J. M. Nelson, L. Walker, & C. Tilly (Eds. ), Transforming Post-Communist Political Economies (pp. 370? 384). Washington, DC National Research Council. Frazier, M. W. (2004). After pension reform Navigating the third rail in China. Studies in Comparative International Development, 39(2), 45? 70. Friedman, B. L. , James, E. , Kane, C. & Queisser, M. (1996). How Can China countenance Income Security f or its Rapidly Aging Population? Policy Research Working Paper, Vol. 1674. Washington, DC World Bank. Giddens, A. (1971). Capitalism and Modern Social Theory An analysis of the writings of Marx, Durkheim and Max Weber. Cambridge Cambridge University Press. Gill, I. , Packard, T. , & Yermo, J. (2005). Keeping the Promise of Social Security in Latin America. Washington, DC World Bank and Stanford University Press. Gu, S. , & Liang, J. (2000). China Population aging and old age support. In V. Bengtson, K. Kim, G. Myers, & K.Eun (Eds. ), Aging in East and West Families, States, and the Elderly (pp. 59? 94). New York Springer Publishing Company. Gubhaju, B. , & Moriki-Durand, Y. (2003). Below-replacement fertility in East and Southeast Asia Consequences and policy responses. Journal of Population Research, 20(1), 1? 18. Holzmann, R. , & Hinz, R. (2005). Old-Age Income Support in the 21st Century An International Perspective on Pension Systems and Reform. Washington, DC World Bank. Holzm ann, R. , & Palmer, E. (Eds. ). (2006). Pension Reform Issues and Prospects for Non-financial Defined Contribution (NDC) Schemes.Washington, DC World Bank. International Monetary Fund (IMF). (2005). World Economic Outlook Database September 2005. IMF Retrieved September-December, 2005 (http//imf. org/external/pubs/ft/weo/2005/02/data/index. htm) Jackson, R. , & Howe, N. (2004). The Graying of the center Kingdom. Washington, DC Center for Strategic & International Studies (CSIS) and Prudential Foundation. Jimenez, L. F. , & Cuadros, J. (2003). Evaluacion de las Reformas a los Sistemas de Pensiones Cuatro Aspectos Criticos y Sugerencias de Politicas. Serie Financiamiento del Desarrollo, Vol. 131. Santiago, Chile CEPAL.E. Calvo, J. B. Williamson / Journal of Aging Studies 22 (2008) 7487 Valdes-Prieto, S. (2002). Justifying Mandatory Savings for Old Age. Background Paper for Regional Study on Social Security Reform. Washington, DC World Bank. Wallerstein, I. (2004). World-Systems Anal ysis An Introduction. Durham, NC Duke Univ Press. Weber, M. (1949 1903? 1917). The Methodology of the Social Sciences. Edited and translated by E. A. Shils and H. A. Finch. Foreword by E. A. Shils. Glencoe, IL Free Press. Weber, M. (1951 1916). The Religion of China Confucianism and Taoism. Translated by H. H. Gerth.Glencoe, IL Free Press. Weber, M. (1958 1947). From Max Weber Essays in Sociology. Edited, translated, and with introduction by H. H. Gerth and C. Wright Mills. New York Oxford University Press. Weber, M. (1961 1927). General Economic History. Translated by F. H. Knight. New York Collier Books. Weber, M. (1963 1921). The Sociology of Religion. Translated by E. Fischoff. Introduction by T. Parsons. Boston, MA Beacon Press. Weber, M. (1968 1921). Economy and Society An Outline of Interpretive Sociology. 2 vols. Edited by G. Roth and C. Wittich. Translated by E. Fischoff. New York Bedminster Press.Weber, M. (2002 19041905). The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism and Other Writings. Edited, translated, and with introduction by P. Baehr and G. C. Wells. New York Penguin Books. Whiteford, P. (2003). From enterprise to social protection. Pension reform in China. Global Social Policy, 3(1), 45? 77. Williamson, J. (2004). Assessing the pension reform potential of a notional defined contribution pillar. International Social Security Review, 57(1), 47? 64. 87 Williamson, J. , & Deitelbaum, C. (2005). Social security reform Does partial privatization make sense for China?Journal of Aging Studies, 19(2), 257? 271. Williamson, J. , & Shen, C. (2004). Do notional defined contribution accounts make sense as part of the old-age security mix for China? Journal of Aging & Social Policy, 16(4), 39? 57. Williamson, J. , & Zheng, B. (2003). The applicability of the notional defined contribution model for China. World Economy and China, 11(3), 8? 13. Wong, S. , Yoo, G. , & Stewart, A. (2006). The changing meaning of family support among older Chinese and Korea n immigrants. Journals of Gerontology. Series B, Psychological Sciences and Social Sciences, 61B(2), S4? S9. World Bank. (1994).Averting the Old Age Crisis Policies to Protect the Old and Promote Growth. New York Oxford University Press. World Bank. (1997). Old Age Security Pension Reform in China. China 2020 Series. Washington, DC World Bank. World Bank. (2003). Povcal. net. WB, Retrieved September-December 2005 (http//www. worldbank. org/lsms/tools/povcal/). Zeng, Y. , & Wang, Z. (2003). Dynamics of family and elderly living arrangements in China New lessons learned from the 2000 census. China Review, 3(2), 95? 119. Zhao, Y. , & Xu, J. (2002). Chinas urban pension system Reforms and problems. The Cato Journal, 21(3), 395? 415.

Attitudes Young Adults Binge Drinking Health And Social Care Essay

Binge drinking has been identified as a common activity among Australian young somebody. This study is a survey, researching the motivational and attitudinal factors underlying debauchery drinking among Australian young person. The methodological analysis used was in the signifier of questionnaires which was finished by group of 28 immature multitude aged among 16 to 25 previous(a) ages. The questionnaire focused on their take in behaviour, their beliefs and attitudes towards rioting drink.The innovate survey found that drunken revelry imbibing was to a greater extent common in immature antherals than in females of the same(p) age group. Social environs encouraged bust imbibing in most immature passel who atomic number 18 under the age of 18 old ages ( under-age ) .The survey besides showed strong correlativity among hebdomadal ingestion of intoxicating with heavy imbibing Sessionss.There is a high prevalence of orgy imbibing rates among people aged between 16-25 old ages and it is quickly increasing 1 . However, the chief intent of this study is to measure and analyze the informations obtained from the questionnaire that designed to obtain an in deepness thought near the attitudes towards orgy imbibing.Moore et Al. ( 1994 ) found that close to a 3rd of immature people aged 18-24 and over a one-fourth pupils in full-time instruction engaged in orgy imbibing at least one time a hebdomad 2 .Binge imbibing can be defined as ruin half the recommended hebdomadal ingestion of alcoholic in a individual session 3 . The term orgy imbibing can hold different significances, simply by and large it refers to imbibing to a smashing extent over a short period of clip with the purpose of sacking to a great extent intoxicated.The major restriction of this study is that it being a little survey and the informations collected from a group of young person who belong to same suburb and have the same equal group. However, it is non possible at this phas e toA province what consequence thisA limitationA may hold on the generalizability of the findings of theA researchA survey.Problem designationIn recent old ages, wellness publicity runs have highlighted the negative wellness and societal effects and orgy imbibing and have advocated moderate heady ingestion. However, disrespect this, the cognition of the hazards of orgy imbibing has non translated into a decrease in orgy imbibing behavior by immature people. Binge imbibing has started to be seen as socially acceptable, big due to media representations of imbibing as cool and the preponderance of famous persons showed on bibulous orgies. Lending to the societal credence of utmost imbibing is the usage of cyberspace based societal networking sites used to portion images of bibulous darks out 4 It is a good known fact that high ingestion of intoxicant consequences in a scope of inauspicious effects, including high blood force per unit area ( Shaper et Al, 1981 ) , bosom disease ( Sh erlock,1982 ) and cirrhosis of the liver ( Colliver and Malin, 1986 ) . sequence many of the inauspicious effects of high intoxicant ingestion are due to go on heavy imbibing ( e.g. cirrhosis of the liver, bosom disease, and so on ) , others are more specifically related to inordinate intoxicant ingestion in a individual imbibing session ( e.g. insecure sex, force, etc ) 2. Harmonizing to the NHMRC, one Australian adolescent dies and 60 are hospitalized each hebdomad from alcohol-related causes. medicate info uncluttering house of the Australian drug foundation indicates some of the injuries ensuing from orgy imbibingShort term injuriesLong term injuriesCan be those that are instantly harmful to wellness such as katzenjammer, sickness, shaking and perchance cleansing and memory lossOther jobs can be caused by the manner intoxicant makes you behave. These include the hazard of falls, assaults, auto accidents, unplanned gestation, shame and embarrassment nearly your behaviour, los s of valuable points and fiscal losingss through foolhardy disbursement while intoxicated, or loss of income through clip off work.can include going physically or psychologically dependent upon intoxicant, and developing liver or encephalon harmhazard of malignant neoplastic disease of the oral cavity, pharynx or gorgeLiterature reappraisalAnalyzing the attitudes towards orgy imbibing among immature people was chosen as the research subject to measure and analyze as it addresses a figure of the standards for finding precedences including, incidence, badness, community support and community resources.Harmonizing to a study prepared by the National Drug Research Institute and the centralise for Adolescent wellness, one in 10 immature people drink to harmful degrees in Australia. Data from the Australian Bureau of Statistics ( ABS ) 3 National Health Survey 2004-05 showed males ( 68 % ) were more believably than females ( 58 % ) to describe orgy imbibing in the past 12 months with 14 per cent ( 265,000 ) of the immature people surveyed consumed intoxicant at hazardous or bad degrees in the hebdomad prior to the study ( 15 % of males, 13 % of females ) ( cipher 1 ) 5 .Figure 1 Percentage of young person aged 18-24 old ages devouring intoxicant at hazardous or bad degrees 1995-2005In the 2007 National Drug Strategy Household Survey, 19 % of immature work forces aged 18-24 old ages reported that they had engaged in risky/high hazard imbibing at least one time a hebdomad during the last 12 months. Between 1991 and 2007, for Australians aged 14 old ages or older, intoxicant ingestion forms remained more often than not unchanged. Around 41 % of 14 twelvemonth olds consumed alcohol hebdomadally in 1991 and it remained about the same until 2007-08 6 .A survey published in the Australian and New Zealand Journal of Public Health that 20 per centum of 16 to 17 old ages olds surveyed of them engaged in hebdomadal hazardous individual juncture imbibing and, that those who accessed intoxicant from beginnings in add-on to their parents were more than twice as likely to be involved in hazardous individual juncture imbibing. This survey cerebrate that striplings reported increased alcohol-related job behaviour when they obtained intoxicant from beginnings other than their parents. This survey besides concluded that parents need to be equipped with schemes for pull offing intoxicant supply to their adolescent boies or girls 7 .In recent old ages, wellness publicity runs have highlighted the negative wellness and societal effects and orgy imbibing and have advocated moderate intoxicant ingestion. However, despite this, the cognition of the hazards of orgy imbibing has non translated into a decrease in orgy imbibing behavior by immature people 8 .Paul Norman, Paul Bennett and Helen Lewis in their research study Understanding orgy imbibing among immature people an application of the Theory of mean Behaviour quoted that, Frequent orgy drinkers were sli ght likely to believe that the determination to prosecute in orgy imbibing was under their control and more likely to mention a scope of factors which may do orgy imbibing more likely to happen, therefore recognizing a figure of external influences on their imbibing behavioura.2 MethodologyThe methodological analysis used for the research was questionnaire. Each questionnaire consisted of 18 inquiries that were distributed among 28 respondents accompanied with a cover missive.Samples of respondents aged between 16 to 25 old ages were approached and were asked to finish the questionnaire. Potential respondents were approached personally asked to finish a questionnaire on attitudes towards intoxicant. Respondents either completed the questionnaire straight off or took the questionnaire off to finish in their ain clip and return it. The sample consisted of 15 males and 13 females. The cover missive of the questionnaire gave a brief description of what constituted a binge imbibing sess ion.The information obtained was analysed and quantitative informations obtained was illustrated utilizing graphs.FindingssAll of the 28 respondents have had consumed intoxicant at least one time in a month. More than half of the respondents ( 56 % ) engaged themselves in orgy imbibing activity. Furthermore, around 73 % of the immature work forces were binge drinkers while merely 27 % of females engaged themselves in orgy imbibing activity.Fig1b Pie chart demoing the per centum of males and females engaged in orgy imbibingFig 1a Pie chart demoing the per centum of respondents engaged in orgy imbibingThe per centum of immature work forces who consumed intoxicant on hebdomadal equipment casualty was relatively high at 73 % while merely 17 % drank intoxicant on a day-to-day footing. In contrast, none of the female respondents drank intoxicant on a day-to-day footing while 53 % of them drank alcohol hebdomadal footing.Fig 2 Bar graph demoing the per centum of male and female responden ts who drink intoxicants on day-to-day, hebdomadal and monthly footing and those who neer drink intoxicantAround 50 % of the respondent indicated that equal groups were the beginning of obtaining intoxicant for under-age young person while 27 % of them indicated that cook Id s were used by under-age young person to obtain intoxicant.Further, the responses from the participants aged above 18years and below 18 old ages were examined and interpreted. About 76 % of respondents below 18 old ages old pointed out that orgy imbibing was a normal wont that was needed for socializing while merely 7 % of respondents above 18 old ages olds agreed with this point.None of the respondents agreed that they engaged themselves in heavy imbibing session for the intent of constructing ego assurance.When asked for grounds that drive under-age young person to imbibe intoxicant on a regular footingSome of the respondents quoted that, They ( immature people ) believe that it is a cool thing, a tendency to personify and take up from their seniors. Make it a wont for socialising i.e. , without intoxicant there is no subject for conversation For bang, merriment, exhilaration and of class out of curiositya When asked what was the demand action to be taken to cut fling off the degrees of orgy imbibing in under-age young personSome of the respondents quoted that, Excess curricular activities such as encampment, athleticss activity, and gym can direct childs into the right way. Advisory cantonments can besides advance a healthy life style A batch of exemption is given to childs from their parents as the authorities is endorsing them up, due to which they get assurance T drink to a great extent and therefore stop up harming themselves. So, use rigorous restrictionsa DiscussionThe survey explores the attitudes and motivational factors underlying orgy imbibing among immature people in Australia. Binge imbibing was found to be a common activity with 56 % of the sample prosecuting in orgy imbibing largely on a hebdomadal footing. However, this figure is somewhat lower than that obtained by the National Health Survey 2004-05. The survey besides reflected that there was a strong correlativity between hebdomadal ingestion of intoxicant and orgy imbibing. young-begetting(prenominal) respondents engaged in orgy imbibing more frequently than female respondents, with 63 % of the male respondents prosecuting in orgy imbibing and 27 % of the female respondents. absolute majority of the male participants drank for the ground of socialization and were more likely to devour intoxicant while been pressurized by their friends or imbibing couples. In add-on, there are more and more factors that encourage orgy imbibing such as observing an event, locales such as nearby saloon or nines that offer alcoholic drinks for price reduction. In comparing, there fewer factors which may move to suppress binge imbibing. Therefore, for most of the male respondents binge imbibing is a societal behavior. These findings of the present are consistent with survey done by white avens and Smith who found that for work forces, unit of ammunition purchasing and being in company of male friends were some of the exacerbating factors that lead to heavy imbibing Sessionss.It is hypothesized that orgy imbibing is chiefly a societal behavior which is facilitated by a societal environment both in footings of state of affairss that encourage heavy imbibing and equal force per unit area. This hypothesis was supported as 76 % of respondents below 18 old ages old indicated that orgy imbibing was a normal wont that was needed for socializing.The present research consequences have a figure of deductions for efforts to cut down the incidence of orgy imbibing among immature people. Media can be besides used as tool to educate and modify young person about safe imbibing wonts. Resuscitating the societal environment where immature people exhausted bulk of their free clip will besides take to safe r imbibing behaviourDecisionIn decision, this survey has attempted to place the attitudes and analyze the factors that aggravate binge imbibing among immature grownups aged between 16 to 25 old ages. The survey has concluded that more than half of the sample population engaged themselves in orgy imbibing and this tendency is largely common in males than females on a hebdomadal footing. However, peer force per unit area and societal environment that encourage imbibing has been identified as two factors that drives immature people to imbibe alcohol to a great extent.It has been identified that stairss are needed to alter immature people s societal environment so that less accent is put on intoxicant in order to cut down the incidence of orgy imbibing. Harm minimising techniques such increasing consciousness about the wellness jeopardies of devouring intoxicant more than the recommended sum, altering the environment of the local saloon and installations to promote other activities othe r than imbibing.